| Syria's textile luxury |
Brocade, atlas and damask - these costly fabrics have been directly related to Syria's textile luxury. The wealth and reputation of Syrian cities and their suqs were based on them, and their variety and fine quality have aroused admiration and enthusiasm in visitors of all periods.
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Besides textiles made in Syria itself, fabrics from a great variety of countries were also imported, enriching the selection available. The cities were located at major intersections and their existence was based on their role as centers for long-distance trade between India, the Far East and the Mediterranean. Until the beginning of the nineteenth century trade relations with Europe were of equal importance to those with -Mesopotamia, the Arabian Peninsula, Persia, Egypt and the more far-reaching links with Africa, India, Central Asia and the Far East.
Volney, who stayed in Syria at the end of the eighteenth century, describes Aleppo as the most important entrepot for trade with Armenia and Turkey. Caravans were sent from Aleppo to Baghdad and Persia. The connection with India was via Basra and the Persian Gulf, and with Egypt and Mecca via Damascus. Aleppine trade with Europe went through the ports of Alexandretta and Latakia. Among the most important trading goods mentioned by Volney are textiles of wool or other native yarns, coarser fabrics, which were woven in the countryside, fine silk cloths made in Aleppo, cotton from India, muslin from Iraq and scarves from Kashmir. Other travellers in their turn praise the brocades from Damascus.
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Textile production, with all the supply industries connected with it, was always the most important economic sector not only in the Syrian cities but also in many other cities throughout the Islamic world. The great demand for textiles of all sorts arose from the special importance that textiles had and still have in the material and social context in the Islamic world. Considering the range of fabrics and die manner in which they were used, it is tempting to speak of a "textile culture". There was an enormous demand for fabrics not only from the court and the palaces, but also from the urban population, especially the upper class. This was not only for clothing but. also for interior decoration, which mainly consisted of textiles. When Browne visited Damascus at the .end of the eighteenth century he described houses with "divans and large sofas of the richest silk ornamented with beads" (Browne 1800: 568-69).
This demand for textiles was matched by the demand for labor. A large part of the urban population earned their living by working in the textile sector. Browne remarks of Damascus: "Damascus is the seat of a considerable trade and its manufactures feed a large number of Mohammedans and Christians. They produce silk and cotton goods..." (Browne, 1800: 552)
The history of textile production in Syria goes back a long way. It was determined essentially by two factors. One was Syria's geographical position as a bridgehead between the Mediterranean world and the Near and Middle East, which determined its historical and political destiny. This meant that, except for a few periods, it was always part of the great empires or a bone of contention. between them. Until the Arab Conquest and the establishment of the Umayyad Caliphate in the seventh and eighth centuries textile production in Syria was dominated by Hellenistic, and later Byzantine and Sassanian traditions:
Heavy Persian and Byzantine fabrics, silks from Antioch, purple textiles from Tyre and fine Alexandrian fabrics were much in demand. Trade in textiles between Byzantium and the Sassanians was, however, under strict supervision, and the export of embroideries from Susa, for example, or of Byzantine purple fabrics was restricted. The Arab Conquest, the spread of Islam and the establishment of the Caliphate meant the disappearance of frontiers, restrictions and controls. An open market in culture and trade extended from the Mediterranean to India and Central Asia. Within it craftsmen, goods, techniques and styles could circulate freely and influence each other. Textile production was determined by new markets and new requirements. Islamic textiles brought together the legacies of Byzantium and the Sassanians, and absorbed influences from India and Central Asia, as well as from China. At the same time they developed their own very individual style. With the Arab Conquest Syria became an important centre for the production of textiles in the Islamic world.
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The second determining factor for textile production in Syria was (and is) the access to raw materials. Two of these, linen and wool, had been available since time immemorial. Linen was mostly imported from Egypt, and wool was supplied by the nomads of the Syrian steppes and deserts. Silk and cotton, on the other hand, were raw materials new to the Mediterranean world and for a long time they had to be imported. The control of raw materials and the trade routes along which they were conveyed was a major political concern. Silk, especially, and the luxurious fabrics made from it, was not only a necessary accessory for the whims and lifestyle of a particular social class, it was also of decisive economic and political importance.
Syria's geography was favorable for the introduction of silk at the beginning of the sixth century in the northern regions and the Orontes plain, as well as the cultivation of cotton, particularly in the region between Hama and Aleppo and on the upper Euphrates. A typical product of Syria was, therefore, a mixed weave of cotton and silk, often an atlas fabric with stripes running lengthwise, such as alepin, which is still produced today.
Just as important as the raw materials for the textiles were dyes. Before the age of chemistry the procuring of natural materials for the production of dyes was time-consuming and expensive. Dyeing was part of the enhancement of textiles and recipes and dyeing techniques were guarded as jealously as the secret of silkworm cultivation. The emergence of the Islamic world changed and improved things considerably regarding access to raw materials. The expansion of trade in the Islamic world and the opportunities it opened up are illustrated by an anecdote told by Saadi when lie describes his meeting with a rich merchant on the island of Kish (quoted in Lombard 1978:162). The merchant confided to Saadi: "I would like to take Persian saffron to China, where I have heard one can obtain a good price for it, and then Chinese porcelain to Byzantium, Byzantine brocade to India, Indian steel to Aleppo, Aleppine glass to the Yemen and striped Yemeni textiles to Persia."
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Silk: Wealth and Power
In antiquity silk was still a rarity. For a long time people did not even know exactly what silk was, since China kept silkworm breeding and the production and processing of silk a strictly guarded secret. It is not surprising that people made concentrated efforts to discover this secret, or at least to control the trade routes along which the silk came. Two important trade routes, branches of the Silk Road, ended in Syria: one of the overland routes ran from Central Asia via Persia and Iraq to Aleppo and on to Antioch. The other was a sea-route from India across the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf to Basra from where a land route could be taken either via Baghdad and Mosul to Aleppo, or through the Syrian desert to Palmyra and thence to Damascus and Tyre. from Syria the silk trade was continued into the Mediterranean and Europe.
Rome imported its silk from Syria and the Lebanon. The silk-dealers, or sericarii had their own quarter in Rome. To wear silk garments caused a sensation, and the response was not always enthusiastic. For a time it was forbidden to wear silk garments in the Senate, since they were regarded as feminine and therefore restricted to women. The Christians in Rome were even more unambiguous, declaring that a true Christian does not wear silk. But the seductive character o( the material was too great for these puritanical attitudes to prevail. The wearing of silk garments soon became habitual, for the rich and powerful. When the Syrian potentate Heliogabalus from Homs visited Rome at the beginning of the third century he is supposed to have been the first man to wear clothes made entirely of silk.
For Rome the silk trade became an important source of revenue, but it remained dependent on Persia. When Diocletian made peace with Persia in 297, the border and ;customs post at Nisibis became the hub of the silk trade between the two empires. In 301 Diocletian fixed taxes and prices for silk.
Palmyra, too, owed its rise to the silk trade. Situated in the middle of the Syrian desert, it was the most important entrepot for the caravan trade between the Euphrates and :he Mediterranean. During the energetic rule of the legendary Queen Zenobia, in particular, this desert kingdom
ruled from Palmyra achieved wealth and political importance. There was trade not only in silk fabrics made in china, but raw silk was also imported to be spun, woven, dyed - and, of course, worn. Evidence of this is provided by fragments of textiles, including silk damask, found at Palmyra. The style of clothing (above all the women’s; costumes) and jewellery seen in statues have in part persisted to the present day. But with the shift of trade "outes due to wars and the resulting insecurity of the "outes, Palmyra's heyday came to an end, and like so many places in Syria it became a "dead city"; bedouins now rest in the shade of its majestic ruins.
There are many stories about how silk was smuggled out of China. One of them tells how a Chinese princess, when she married a prince from Khotan, took silk cocoons across the border in her bridal coiffure to give them to her future husband as a present.
Byzantium's most important suppliers of silk were central Asia and Persia. Duties and taxes made silk an expensive raw material that was difficult to obtain. In order to cater for the demand of the Byzantine court, Justinian established a monopoly of silk processing, which was pracised exclusively in the state gynaecea (textile factories). private silk weavers were forced onto the black market. When in 540 the war with Persia cut off the supply of silk, many Syrian and Lebanese silk-weavers emigrated immediately to Persia. After their victory over Byzantium the Persians finally gained control of the silk supply, which led to a crisis in textile production in the gynaecea.
The secret of silk production was brought to Byzantium by two Nestorian priests around 553. After a visit to their co-religionlsts in Central Asia they returned across the border with the eggs of the silkworm moth concealed in their walking sticks.
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The leaves of the white mulberry tree, which grows in the Syrian and Lebanese mountains, are the staple food of the silkworms. Silk-spinning factories sprang up in Beirut, I Homs and Hama. Since this period the production and processing of silk has been one of the most important factors in the economy of the Syrian and Lebanese region.
When the Muslim armies under Khalid bin al-Walid conquered Damascus, lie seized three hundred camel-loads of silk. The tribute paid to him amounted to 10,000 gold pieces and 200 silk garments. Like the early Christians in Rome the first Muslims regarded the use of silk as a luxury that was detrimental to true religion, but in fact silk now became indispensable for the Umayyad court, just as it had been for the Roman emperors. This was often disapproved of: a Bedouin princess from the Euphrates region is said to have told her husband, Muawiya, that wearing a Bedouin cloak in the midst of her relatives would make her happier than all the silk at the court of Damascus.
The conquest of Persia not only made the Islamic world a serious rival to China in silk production, it also meant that it controlled the most important routes of the Silk Road, giving it the monopoly of the silk trade. Like the Byzantines before them, the caliphs and later Muslim rulers established state workshops for their own requirements, but without closing down the private workshops. The general name given to the textiles made in these workshops is tiraz. Fatimid Egypt was famous for them. Textiles played an important role in the politics of gift-giving of the Muslim rulers. Honorific garments were bestowed and precious cloths were horded. Garments and valuable cloths were passed down from generation to generation together with the stories of how they were acquired. The detailed knowledge about the variety and provenance of textiles as well as the need for luxury textiles is very marked: "May God cover me with striped cloaks from the Yemen, with linen cloths from Egypt, brocades from Byzantium, with silk from Susa and China, Persian garments and capes from Isfahan, with atlas silk from Baghdad and turban cloths from Ubull,... with Armenian breeches... and with velvet from Merv. May God load me with carpets, with large carpets from Qaliqala and Maisan, with mats from Baghdad." Such was the desire of a well-to-do Muslim in the eleventh century (quoted in Eombard, 1987: 180).
The terms used for the cloths and garments made from them give an idea of the wide range of textile production. The names refer to the places where the textiles were made, or to the materials, their weave, embroidery, and much more. Tins information can be used to trace the place of origin of particular cloths and techniques as well as their distribution (and imitation). Talented 'artisans with the necessary knowledge were very much in demand and were requested to work for the courts. Their skill was often their undoing. After wars the victors very often took them by force to their courts. This explains the sudden appearance or disappearance of particular fabrics and techniques in various regions of the Islamic world. Lor example, Chinese silk-weavers were brought to Kufa by the Abbasids (Chehab, 1967). After his campaign in 1401 Timur "confiscated the damascene silk-weavers and other artisans and took them back with him to Central Asia (Lombard, 1987).
Much care was expended on the production of the raw material and the control of the finished product. In sources from the end of the twelfth century we find instructions on the cultivation of- cotton and flax, silkworm breeding, dye making, etc. Manuals for market overseers contain detailed information of procedures in the case of falsification of fabrics and dyes. Kremer noted in the mid-nineteenth century that "silk is weighed under judicial, supervision" (1855:8).
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Sources describing the specific contexts in which textiles were used show why textiles play such an outstanding role in Islamic culture. It is in the nature of the sources that they concentrate particularly on the courts and the urban upper class. They tell us about the fashions and practices at the courts, the requirements of the urban population, the circulation of textiles in social contexts, such as weddings or on special occasions, and the distribution of textiles as a sign of recognition or expression of benevolence from the powerful to their subordinates (Scarce, 1989; Lombard, 1987). Certain fabrics, patterns and dyes were reserved for the Muslim rulers; the court and dignitaries, particular social groups and religious minorities had their own turban cloths and were governed by precise dress regulations. Particularly in the urban milieu clothes regulations were a concrete expression of social relationships, a reflection of traditional norms and values, as well as of the fashions of the time. The issuing of such regulations was a political instrument whose power should not be underestimated. All this demonstrates the value Islamic culture attached to textiles, both materially and spiritually. But not only was the use of particular textiles integrated into a cultural pattern of life, this was also true of their production. The organization of work was determined by the old crafts. Tills resulted in the interdependence of the various individual craftsmen involved in the making of a textile, and thus in the emergence of close, social and work relationships, and in a necessary sense of solidarity. The economic life of the craftsmen and hence of a whole social fabric is thus dependent on the continuity of a whole cultural pattern in which the textiles have their place and which gives these objects their social and cultural character. It is only against this background that the scale of the changes which set in at the end of the nineteenth century can be gauged.
The integration of Syria into the expanding European markets in the second third of the nineteenth Century, marked the beginning of far- reaching socioeconomic changes which were to have repercussions particularly on die textile industry. Syria was discovered as a new market for European industrial fabrics, and the treaties concluded after 1838 between several European states and the Ottoman Empire ensured very favorable export conditions for their goods. The European consuls had the right to observe the market situation on the spot, defend the interests of their governments and grant a number of special privileges to the local Christians in order to secure and deepen business contacts. At the same time Syria became an important supplier of silk as a raw material, especially for the French silk industry in Lyon. The region that is now Lebanon was the principal supplier for the French market, and silk was the staple commodity in the port of Beirut, whence it was shipped to Marseille. Silk once again became a political issue. In Syria the number of newly planted mulberry trees increased rapidly, and in regions which had been regarded as1 secondary silk-producing areas, such as the district around Safita, production was intensified. At favorable altitudes many peasants began to plant mulberry instead of their olive or fruit trees. But after 1930, when the demand for Syrian (Lebanese) silk collapsed and the silk industry in Lyon went into decline, many peasants who had switched to sericulture faced financial ruin. The reeling of the silk, in so far as it was done in Syria at all, was mechanized. Many Armenian women worked in the silk spinning workshops. Much French capital was invested in these enterprises and the machinery needed was imported from France. A number of Syrian businessmen who were in close contact with Lyon founded factories or mechanized their textile production. Some of the factories still use machines from this period. The flooding of the market with cheap British fabrics, as well as the shortage and increased price of raw materials for the traditional sector led to a drastic decline in Syrian textile production: in Damascus, between 1830 and 1850, it was reduced by almost a half, and the production of traditional articles fell by almost three quarters. Kremer (1854:21) lamented (somewhat inaccurately): "The diwans which were formerly covered with brocade, which, however, became famous under the name of damask, are now covered with Lnglish calico." In the towns people began to wear European dress.
Nevertheless, the Syrian textile Industry still managed to defend as share in the market. It was able to do so by increased concentration on the local markets, by supplying them with customary fabrics, by introducing cheaper imitations of traditional cloths, by making structural changes, such as processing industrial raw materials (e.g., yarns) imported from Europe, and by establishing specialized centres of production in the cities. Aleppo, for example, switched to the production of cheaper varieties of traditional striped materials, to processing more cotton, and it remained the centre of dyeing in Syria. Damascus specialized on the making of expensive textiles such as gold brocade and silks, and concentrated on wool, some of which was used for making Bedouin cloaks. In Homs, on the other hand, the typical heavy silk cloths with patterns in gold and silver threads were still woven for the peasant and nomad clientele.
The second serious setback for the traditional textile sector in Syria was a consequence of the Second World War and, more generally, of the modern development and industrialization of Syria which came with independence .
Damascene brocade. Damascene damask
Silk damask and gold brocade were and are the most costly of the traditional textiles produced in Damascus. After the collapse of the textile market in the mid-nineteenth century, Damascus deliberately concentrated on the production of these luxury fabrics for a well-heeled local and European clientele. But despite many efforts and the introduction of Jacquard looms, the production of the beautiful fabrics with their delicate and complicated patterns has now almost vanished. Of the old looms only a handful are still in operation, most now lie unused as sad piles of timber.
There was nostalgia in the eyes and voice of the merchants and the old weaver of Nassan & Co. in Damascus when they showed us their brocades and explained the patterns with their romantic names: one pattern that is still sought-after is called "Queen Elizabeth" or "Lovebirds". According to the stories, Queen Elizabeth of England was asked at the time of her coronation what she wanted as a present from Syria. Her reply was silk brocade. When she was asked about the pattern, she is supposed to have drawn the "Lovebirds", which were then woven by the weavers. Also impressive are patterns such as the "Rose of Damascus", "Narcissi", in the silk damasks fine paisley patterns, the "Fighting Crusaders" and "Paradise Lost" - the latter only exist as pattern samples kept with their punched cards in the hope that they may one day be ordered again by a customer. Nassau & Co. is a family business. During the Ottoman Empire and at the beginning of the century it was still a large factory and untaxed, with such a big turnover that the owners could afford the money necessary to spare their staff military service. Until around 1958 two workers operated each of the twenty or so looms, weaving the brocades in three, five or seven colours with the corresponding patterns.
Today only two looms are left. In the past die making of brocade and damask was almost exclusively the preserve of Christians, but gradually an increasing number of Kurdish weavers have been moving into this field. The cards for the few Jacquard looms still in operation continue to be made by Armenians. Until the 1960s tourists were still frequent customers, but now production is mostly for the local market, since damasks and brocades have become very popular as upholstery materials, and are hardly used at all for clothing. The goods for sale are accordingly sorted, above all by colours and patterns, and new ones to suit the wishes of the customers are designed to order. The new patterns are not, however, woven on the old looms operated by hand, but on the electric looms. Nevertheless brocade is still a very costly textile and, like Syria's other traditional fabrics, it is coming under increasing pressure from the cheaper textiles made of artificial fibres. Among these other textiles no longer produced in Damascus is Damascene ikat. The introduction of artificial silk around 1930 caused the first setback for ikat cloth, then in 1947 the war in Palestine meant the loss of the traditional market for the material, since Damascene ikat had been bought mainly by Palestinians.
It is probably too late to increase the production of brocade and damask - and this is true also of other traditional crafts. The old weavers are no longer working and there is no new generation to follow them. So these precious fabrics seem destined for a marginal existence, appreciated by only a few and by foreigners. Some of the merchants are less sentimental. Some people die at the right time, said one of them, perhaps the weaver will die when nobody wants his textiles any more. Of course this is very sad, for the silk will die with him.
The old weaver, bent over his loom with tired eyes, concentrating hard, paused in his work to show us with a smile the damask he was weaving. Presumably lie never possessed a piece of this cloth himself. The fine silk damask with its shimmering colours was exquisitely beautiful. We were allowed to take a pattern strip with us - we chose "Paradise Lost" in blue.
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The production of fabrics
The twister
The making of a fabric generally beginning with the spinning
(wool, cotton) or reeling (fine silk) of the fiber. In the cities the processing today starts with the twister (al-fattal). Because of the large supplies of factory-made yams, the twister in Syria today has hardly any commissions, so he is forced to take on a second skill, that of a warp- layer (al-musaddi), as well.
The work of a fattal was particularly important for the twisting of tine silks to produce the traditional silk weaves, such as ikat, qutni., damask and brocade.
For twisting and warp-laying a fa.ttal-musad.di needs a drive wheel (dulab) and spools. Today these are modern factory spools, with and without yarn. Nowadays the traditional kufiya used in the past is hardly ever used, since the yarn arrives in the workshop already on a handy spool. The kufiya used to be an indispensable piece of the twister's equipment in the time when the yarn did not come from the factory but in skeins directly from the spinners. The skeins could easily be placed over the kufiya, unwound, twisted and wound up again.
After the twisting the laying of the warp begins.
The warp-layer (al-musaddi)
The work of a musaddi includes the dividing up of the warp threads into the heddle warps and shed stick warps, the making of the crossing between these, the counting of the warp threads and the measuring of the length of warp desired (e.g. 260 metres).
For these tasks the warp-layer uses two pieces of equipment.
As soon as the musaddi has finished his work the hanks of yarn are sent to the ikateur (rabbat), the dyer (sabbag) or straight to the leash- threader {mulgi}, depending on the what they are to be used for.
The ikateur (arrabbat)
If the thread is to be used for ikat fabrics the rabbat begins by tying it to form the particular patterns. A number of skeins, which are not intended for ikat, are dyed beforehand.for ikat patterns the undyed skeins of thread are stretched out (along a garden wall, for example) and then tied at particular places. When all the skeins have been bound the are sent to the dyer. They are dyed as many times as there are colors required for the ikat pattern (e.g. red, yellow, blue). When the tying and dyeing are finished the skeins are dipped in starch and then stretched out to dry. The skeins are lined up, for the sets to be counted the damaged fibers to be bound and repaired. When the skeins are finally repaired and dried, they are wound up according to the patterns (centre or side panels of the fabric to be woven) meter by meter into skeins and taken to the workshop of the leash-threader {mulqi}.
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The leash-threader (al-malqi)
The mulqfs task is to thread the individual warp threads through the leashes of the loom shafts and the reed holes of the comb. He does this not only for ikat weavers but for all other fabrics made on hand-looms of all constructions. His work demands a very special sensitivity, especially where ikat fabrics are concerned. As soon as he has the formation of the pattern clearly in his mind he spreads the skeins with the ikat patterns out on the ground and arranges them in the order of the pattern to appear on the finished cloth. The number of shafts varies from four to twelve, depending on the weave and the pattern of the fabric. To draw the warp threads through the leashes the mulqi requires one assistant.
They sit opposite each other with the suspended heddle rods (four for plain weave) fixed between them and the warp threads ready in separate sets. The mulqi opens the leashes and takes the thread held out to him by his assistant. He runs the thread through for about 20 cm and then lets go of the two leashes. He repeats this procedure until all the warps are threaded through the leashes. (For a bath cloth approximately 1.16 meters wide, 2800 warp threads are needed.) When the warp threads have been drawn through the shafts, the same method is used to run the threads through the reed holes of the metal comb. The comb takes the place of the shafts and is secured. To pass the threads through the reed holes of the comb the leash-threader now uses a notched knife. The assistant takes the first thread and places it on the notch of the knife which the mulqi t\\en puts it through the reed hole. In this way all the warp threads are threaded through the comb in the correct order, and the leash-threader's task is done.
After the removal of the leash shafts from the comb, the whole ensemble (hanks of warp thread, threaded heddle rods and comb) is taken to the weaver.
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The weaver
In Syria today various sorts of hand looms are still in use. For weaving ikat fabrics in silk and artificial silk the shaft loom (without punched cards) is used. Wool and cotton are often woven on a pit loom.
Many old Syrian shaft looms have been improved by the addition of modern equipment, particularly in Damascus, but to a lesser extent in Aleppo, Homs and Hama, on which silk and artificial silk are woven into damasks and brocades or other fabrics. They have been fitted with Jacquard machines and fast-shuttle device.
The basic framework for all sorts of looms (shaft loom, pit loom, hybrid loom, draw loom or Jacquard loom) is always in principle the same, apart from some deviations and modernizations.
It consists of four upright posts joined together. At the back is the warp beam on which the warp threads are wound. From here they run through leashes which are attached to two pieces of wood and form a shaft. After this they pass through the weaving comb and are tied to the cloth beam at the front. The weaver sits on a bench or a board in front and, by working the pedals which are connected with the shafts, forms the shed he requires, passes the shuttle through and beats in the weft thread firmly into the woven fabric with the weaving comb which hangs in a slay in the basic framework.
The shaft loom
After the hank of warp threads, with the shafts and comb, has been taken from the mulqi (leash threader) to the weaver (annawwal), the first thing he does is to insert the comb into the swing drawer and stretch out the warp threads attached to the breast beam. When the sley and breast beam are ready for use, the shafts with pedals attached are suspended from the frame. It takes five or six hours for the nawwalto do this. The more complicated the pattern, the more shafts with pedals are included.
To do the weaving the weaver sits on a board placed so that when his legs are almost extended they reach the pedals. This raised position gives him a good view of the whole loom.
Today the shaft loom is often equipped with a fast-shuttle device. The shuttle (makkuk) with the weft thread is hastened on its course back and forth by pulling on a handle.
As he weaves the nawwdl operates first one pedal so that the shaft to which it is joined is lowered and the other shafts are raised and form a shed. By pulling the handle he shoots the weft thread across and then beats it into the woven fabric with the sley. If the weaver wants to weave in a smaller pattern or his name, he uses a smaller shuttle with a different coloured thread and draws the weft through the newly formed shed only as far as the width of the the pattern or script. The cross- patterning is only possible with plain weave; there is no point in doing it with atlas weave since the weft threads are completely concealed by the warp threads.
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Pit loom
This works on exactly the same principle as the shaft loom. except that the warn is not stretched out so far and runs horizontal only for a short distance before turning backwards and upwards 120 degrees. This means that it takes up less room. Breast beam, sley, framework and pedals are constructed in a similar way to the shaft loom, but are smaller. The warp threads run from the breast beam almost horizontally to the first roller. Passing beneath tills they then turn diagonally backwards and upwards for two or three metres and round another roller. They are weighted down so that they hang vertically behind the back of the weaver.
The weaver at the pit loom sits on a board at ground level in front of the breast beam. The space for the pedals is a pit.
I This loom is used especially to weave carpets (flat r weave), small fancy kerchiefs made of wool, cotton or mixtures, but larger cloths made of silk or artificial silk can also be woven on it. Nowadays the pit loom, too, often has a fast-shuttle attachment, though tins is not used for particularly small patterns and partial patterns, where frequent changing of the weft thread is necessary, in which case a number of small hand shuttles are used.
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From draw loom to Jacquard machine
The draw loom was widely used for weaving complicated patterns (damask, brocade) until the invention of the Jacquard machine (by J.M. Jacquard, 1752-1834) in the nineteenth century.
The weaver formed the shed for the fabric base with pedals and shafts, while an assistant placed in the "figure or drawing area" high above on the loom created the sheds for the motifs in die pattern by pulling up groups of cords with the corresponding warp threads suspended from them. (This process is now accomplished in many looms by means of punched cards). Moreover the warp threads were not threaded on shafts but in individual leashes each with a little rod weight below, threaded through a horizontal board with holes carefully made in it and carried up to the drawing arrangement above.
The Jacquard machine was devised to control the warp threads drawn through the leashes, each leash having a platine (weight) attached. The size of the patterned surface depends on the number ofplatincs (there can be more than 800). The platines s.re controlled by means of series of cards attached together, which are punched with holes corresponding to the pattern, or else by "endless" bands made of paper or plastic.
Damasks and brocades are produced on ^ looms equipped in this way. A genuine damask (usually silk) has an even alternation of warp and weft atlas, which gives the fabric its characteristic shiny quality.
Brocade is a patterned, damask-like fabric made of natural or artificial silk with metal threads woven in. There are also brocades made entirely from gold or silver threads.
Brocade threads usually have a cotton or linen core round which metal threads (lame) are spun. Today special threads, such as lurex, which do not oxidize, are mainly used.
Source : http://www.reddawn.net/quilt/teadye.htm
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Tea dyeing is an easy way to mute fabrics or give them an older, antiqued look. Tea stains the fibers and gives a semi-permanent dull brown "dirty" tone to the whole piece. It is used when you want to "antique" a craft textile such as a doll dress or small quilt.
Because the process uses tea bags it is not suggested for use on large objects. Tea also leaves an irregular spotted stain over the whole piece and it is not going to give you a "perfect" or even color. If you want to color large objects or get an even tone, use a commercial dye product.
Tea dye only works on natural fibers! This means cotton, silk, linen, and maybe wool. If it is polyester it will not take color! Tea dye is reddish brown in color and will not dye to an "off-white" or "eggshell" color. It is next to impossible to match colors with tea dye and I do not suggest trying tea dye in order to get a white fabric to blend with a creamy one.
Tea dye is semi-permanent. What this means is that while it will not wash out easily, you can usually remove it with bleach. It may also fade in sunlight. It is not suggested for use on items (such as clothing) that will be washed regularly as modern detergents are designed to remove the tea stain.
What you need:
- cotton fabric or items made from cotton.
- tea bags --cheap ones with the generic label are just fine.
- hot water
- containers to hold the tea bath
What you do:
Set the water to boil. I suggest 4 cups of water for each yard of fabric.
When the water has come to a boil add two tea bags for each 8oz. cup of water.
Let the tea steep for about 5 minutes. You should have a really dark brown liquid. Squeeze out the teabags if you wish. It doesn't hurt to leave them in, though, except that they might get soggy and break.
Soak the fabric in the bucket of tea. Swish it around every so often if you want a smooth textured finish. Leave it without moving it much for a mottled finish. You can make samples with a small portion of tea and strips of fabric. Put all the strips in at the same time and pull one out every five minutes.
When the fabric has soaked "enough" pull it out and rinse it under cool water. You will loose a lot of the color doing this, so if it isn't dark enough to suit you, soak it some more. Be aware that when the fabric dries it will be slightly lighter as well. In my experience a medium light tan color can be achieved after about an hour. A richer tan can be achieved with an overnight soaking.
When you are satisfied with the color pop the item into the dryer on a high heat setting and tumble dry. If you are concerned about wrinkles, tumble until nearly dry and finish with a very hot iron. The heat setting is necessary to make the color permanent.
Don't like the result?
Tea, being a natural colorant, can be washed out with bleach. If you have dyed some fabric and now decide you don't like it quite as much as you thought you might, rinse it in the washer with a little bleach. Take care that any older items you treat this way can handle the bleaching. Most cotton deteriorates with time and bleach is very harsh on older fabrics.
One more note
You can use coffee as a dye as well. All those old coffee grounds that are too weak for drinking are fine for dying. Make a brew and soak your fabric as above. Just be aware that coffee is much more aromatic than tea, and your finished item will smell like coffee for a long time to come.
Remember
Tea dye does not work on synthetic fabrics! If you're going to try this anyway, please do not write to me and ask me for more advice. :)
A few more notes...
Every so often I get a letter asking me about tea-dying this or that, or something else. Donna wrote to ask about dying an entire queen-sized bedding set, and I suggested that for such a large amount of fabric she try a regular dye product instead. She would have a more even finished look, and the dye wouldn't wash out in the next load of laundry (remember, bleach...) Donna wrote back to share her experiences:
"Hello Dawn,
Awhile back I sent you a few e-mails about ?'s on Tea Dying. It took me awhile but I finally did the queen sheet set plus two additional pillow cases. You were right about the trim it did not take the dye but I liked the effect. I used the Rit Tint & Dye (Taupe #34) the dry packages. I used 1 package per sheet including 2 pillow cases in the washer. I dyed in 2 separate batches to avoid uneven coloring. My sheets came out with even coloring. I'm happy with the results. I used very hot water & followed the directions on the box except I doubled the wash time by stopping the washer & resetting the time then rinsed 2X's the second rinse I added a cup of vinegar & cold water, I've heard vinegar will help set colors.
"This taupe color , says you can stain with it also, I bought 4 packages so I have 2 left. I hope the color holds. Your tips made good sense to me so I had the courage to take the chance on those rather costly sheets. Thanks for being there.
Can I tea dye my couch?
Sure! All you need to do is brew up a couple hundred gallons of warm tea, make sure to use extra teabags to make it strong. Get a container large enough to hold your couch, and soak overnight. In the morning, after the tea has cooled, remove the couch and let it drip dry. You may need help as the cushions and fabric will have picked up a lot of weight from the tea and will be heavier than usual.
Can I tea dye my carpet?
Yes, but I really recommend using coffee for this. Brew a large pot of strong coffee, and mix the grinds in with the coffee. While it is still warm apply the coffee to your carpet. Use a broom, towel, or your feet to rub the coffee mixture into the carpet. You may need several pots of coffee mixture to successfully color a room. After the carpet has dried you can vacuum up the coffee grounds that are left over.
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